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Название: Zloi Negr - #ПутьСтруи Жанр: Rap | Hip Hop Год выпуска: Время звучания: Формат | Качество: mp3 | kbps. Exile Mixed Emotions (); Exmortem Berzerker Legions (); Exodus Bonded By Blood (); Exploited Punks Not Dead (); Extol Undeceived (). Download Torrent: Extol - Discography ( - ) In June , their second studio album, entitled Undeceived, Bitrate: k. CHRIS STUCKMANN SICARIO TORRENT One row is named for Simpsons, need to upload. The logging settings causes the server. The Network Access uninterrupted radio coverage any and all online school it link state of.

Abhidharma chos mngon pa. Links to further resources: 3 related glossary entries. Abhrakrama Summit rtse mo lhang tsher. Able one thub. Links to further resources: 13 related glossary entries. Abode of Water chu gnas pa. Links to further resources: 12 related glossary entries. Abounding with Jewels rin po che rnams kyis kun tu gang ba.

Abundance legs par gang ba. Abundant Lions seng ges kun nes gang ba. Acala brtan pa. Acquisition thob pa. Links to further resources: 1 related glossary entry. Action kun spyod. Activity rnam spyod. Adorned spras pa. Adorned with Glorious Garlands gzi brjid phreng ldan. Affliction nyon mongs. Links to further resources: 52 related glossary entries. Age of excellence bzang ldan gyi dus. Age of perfection rdzogs ldan gyi dus. Age of strife rtsod ldan gyi dus. Links to further resources: 2 related glossary entries.

Age of threefold endowment gsum ldan gyi dus. Age of twofold endowment gnyis ldan gyi dus. Aggregate phung po. Links to further resources: 49 related glossary entries. Links to further resources: 7 related glossary entries. Alala a la la. All Seasons dus tshigs thams cad. All the People skye bo thams cad. Alms bsod snyoms. Links to further resources: 71 related glossary entries. Anavatapta ma dros pa.

Andhaka an dha ka. Antelope Dress rna ba gon pa. Ardhamaru ar dha ma ru. Arjuna ardzu naH. Links to further resources: 5 related glossary entries. Asura lha ma yin. Links to further resources: 88 related glossary entries. Attached to Objects yul la chags pa. Attached to Smell dri la chags pa. Attached to Sound sgra la chags pa. Attached to That de la chags. Attraction sems song ba.

Auspicious Time dus bzangs. Babbler ca co ba. Bakula ba ku la. Battered Bodies lus zhum. Beautiful Grove tshal shin tu sdug pa. Beautiful Nectar bdud rtsis. Beautiful Voice grogs pa nyan. Beauty mdzes pa rnam par mdzes pa rnam mdzes. Bees Everywhere bung bas khyab pa. Bhadraka bzang ldan. Billowing Waters chu g. Billowing Waves rlabs g. Black Belly nag po gsus pa lto gnag. Black Line Hell thig nag. Black One nag po. Black Waters chu nag po. Blanket of Smell gos dri. Links to further resources: 96 related glossary entries.

Bliss Maker bde byed. Blissful one bde bar gshegs pa. Links to further resources: 50 related glossary entries View the Knowledge Base article. Blue sngon po. Blue Shade grib ma sngon po. Blue Shadows grib ma sngon po. Blue Waters chu sngon po. Blue-Colored One mdog sngon. Boiling Cauldrons snod du btso ba. Born in a Lap skyil mo krung gi steng du skye ba. Born in a Tank skyor chu skyes. Born Round kun nas zlum par skyes pa. Born Triangular gru gsum pa. Boundless Torture tshor ba dbag tu med. Links to further resources: related glossary entries.

Links to further resources: 14 related glossary entries. Brahmin bram ze. Detailed Outline of the Text. The Ten Virtuous Courses of Action. The Hells. The Reviving Hell. The Black Line Hell. The Crushing Hell. The Howling Hell. The Great Howling Hell. The Hell of Heat. The Hell of Intense Heat. The Hell of Ultimate Torment. The Starving Spirits. The Animals.

The Gods. The Heaven of the Four Great Kings. The Garland-Bearer Gods. The Vessel-Bearer Gods. The Ever-Infatuated Gods. The Triple-Lute-Bearer Gods. The Wandering Gods. The Heaven of the Thirty-Three. The Gods Dwelling in Sudharma.

The Gods in Dwelling in the Lofty. The Gods in Dwelling on Summits. The Gods in Dwelling in Excellent View. The Gods in Dwelling in One Direction. The Gods in Dwelling in Forests. The Gods in Dwelling in Various Chariots. The Gods in Dwelling in Enjoyment. The Gods in Dwelling in Beauty. The Gods in Dwelling on Mixed Riverbanks. The Gods in Dwelling on Forest Riverbanks. The Gods in Dwelling in Essence of Jewels. The Gods in Engaging in Clarification. The Gods in House of Refined Gold. The Gods in Shaded by Garlands.

The Gods in Moving on Springy Ground. The Gods in Promotion. The Gods in Subtle Engagement. The Gods in Enraptured by and Attached to Song. The Gods in Blazing Splendor. The Gods in Resembling the Full Moon. The Gods in Moving in the Wink of an Eye. The Gods in Draped with Jewels. The Gods in Part of the Assembly. The Gods in Dwelling on the Disk. The Gods in High Conduct.

The Gods in Supreme Splendor. The Gods in Garland of Splendor. The Gods in Unmixed. The Heaven Free from Strife. The Gods in Supreme Strength. The Gods in Traveling on Great Mounts. The Gods in Moving in the Stream. The Gods in Living on the Peak. The Gods in Ornament of the Mind. Even in only 36 per cent of all Americans had air conditioning: in 79 per cent of poor households did.

Even in urban China 90 per cent of people now have electric light, refrigerators and running water. Many of them also have mobile phones, inter net access and satellite television, not to mention all sorts of improved and cheaper versions of everything from cars and toys to vaccines and restaurants.

Well all right, says the pessimist, but at what cost? The environment is surely deteriorating. In somewhere like Beijing, maybe. But in many other places, no. In Europe and America rivers, lakes, seas and the air are getting cleaner all the time. The Thames has less sewage and more fish. Bald eagles have boomed. Pasadena has few smogs. American carbon monoxide emissions from transport are down 75 per cent in twenty-five years. Today, a car emits less pollution traveling at full speed than a parked car did in from leaks.

Meanwhile, average life expectancy in the longest-lived country Sweden in , New Zealand in , Japan today continues to march upwards at a steady rate of a quarter of a year per year, a rate of change that has altered little in years. It still shows no sign of reaching a limit, though surely it must one day. Within just five years both predictions were proved wrong in at least one country. Consequently the number of years of retirement is rocketing upwards. Starting from , it took sixty-eight years for the mortality of British men between 65 and 74 to fall by 20 per cent.

Subsequent 20 per cent falls took seventeen years, ten years and six years — the improvement has accelerated. That is all very well, say pessimists, but what about quality of life in old age? Sure, people live longer, but only by having years of suffering and disability added to their lives.

Not so. In one American study, disability rates in people over 65 fell from People are not only spending a longer time living, but a shorter time dying. Take stroke, a big cause of disability in old age. Deaths from stroke fell by 70 per cent between and in America and Europe. They did live longer but the incidence of stroke in fact fell by 30 per cent. The age-related increase is still present, but it is coming later and later.

The same is true of cancer, heart disease and respiratory disease: they all still increase with age, but they do so later and later, by about ten years since the s. Even inequality is declining worldwide. It is true that in Britain and America income equality, which had been improving for most of the past two centuries British aristocrats were six inches taller than the average in ; today they are less than two inches taller , has stalled since the s.

The reasons for this are many, but they are not all causes for regret. For example, high earners now marry each other more than they used to which concentrates income , immigration has increased, trade has been freed, cartels have been opened up to entrepreneurial competition and the skill premium has grown in the work place. All these are inequality-boosting, but they stem from liberalising trends. Besides, by a strange statistical paradox, while inequality has increased within some countries, globally it has been falling.

The recent enrichment of China and India has increased inequality within those countries by making the income of the rich grow faster than that of the poor — an income gap is an inevitable consequence of an expanding economy. Yet the global effect of the growth of China and India has been to reduce the difference between rich and poor worldwide.

Those forces which at first make inequality self-accentuating thus later tend to diminish it. The spread of IQ scores has been shrinking steadily — because the low scores have been catching up with the high ones. This explains the steady, progressive and ubiquitous improvement in the average IQ scores people achieve at a given age — at a rate of 3 per cent per decade.

In two Spanish studies, IQ proved to be 9. Known as the Flynn effect, after James Flynn who first drew attention to it, this phenomenon was at first dismissed as an artefact of changes in tests, or a simple reflection of longer or better schooling.

But the facts do not fit such explanations because the effect is consistently weakest in the cleverest children and in the tests that relate most to educational content. It is a levelling-up caused by an equalisation of nutrition, stimulation or diversity of childhood experience. You can, of course, argue that IQ may not be truly representative of intelligence, but you cannot argue that something is getting better — and more equal at the same time. Even justice has improved thanks to new technology exposing false convictions and identifying true criminals.

To date innocent Americans have been freed as a result of DNA fingerprinting after serving an average of twelve years in prison; seventeen of them were on death row. Cheap light These richer, healthier, taller, cleverer, longer-lived, freer people — you lot — have been enjoying such abundance that most of the things they need have been getting steadily cheaper. The four most basic human needs — food, clothing, fuel and shelter — have grown markedly cheaper during the past two centuries. Food and clothing especially so a brief rise in food prices in notwithstanding , fuel more erratically and even housing has probably got cheaper too: surprising as it may seem, the average family house probably costs slightly less today than it did in or even , despite including far more modern conveniences like electricity, telephone and plumbing.

If basic needs have got cheaper, then there is more disposable income to spend on luxuries. Artificial light lies on the border between necessity and luxury. In monetary terms, the same amount of artificial lighting cost 20, times as much in England in the year as it does today. Enormous as that difference is, in labour terms the change is even more dramatic and the improvement is even more recent.

Ask how much artificial light you can earn with an hour of work at the average wage. The amount has increased from twenty-four lumen-hours in BC sesame oil lamp to in tallow candle to 4, in kerosene lamp to , in incandescent light bulb to 8. Or turn it round and ask how long you would have to work to earn an hour of reading light — say, the light of an watt compact-fluorescent light bulb burning for an hour.

Today it will have cost you less than half a second of your working time if you are on the average wage: half a second of work for an hour of light. In , with a conventional filament lamp and the then wage, you would have had to work for eight seconds to get the same amount of light. Had you been using a kerosene lamp in the s, you would have had to work for about fifteen minutes to get the same amount of light. From six hours to half a second — a 43,fold improvement — for an hour of lighting: that is how much better off you are than your ancestor was in , using the currency that counts, your time.

Do you see why my fictional family ate by firelight? Much of this improvement is not included in the cost-of-living calculations, which struggle to compare like with unlike. The economist Don Boudreaux imagined the average American time-travelling back to with his modern income. The lighting numbers cited above do not even take into account the greater convenience and cleanliness of modern electric light compared with candles or kerosene — its simple switching, its lack of smoke, smell and flicker, its lesser fire hazard.

Nor is the improvement in lighting finished yet. A cheap LED flashlight, powered by a solar-charged battery, will surely soon transform the life of some of the 1. Admittedly, LEDs are still far too expensive to replace most light bulbs, but that might change. Think what these improvements in lighting efficiency mean. You can either have a lot more light, or do a lot less work, or acquire something else. Devoting less of your working week to earning your lighting means devoting more of it to doing something else.

That something else can mean employment for somebody else. The improved technology of lighting has liberated you to make or buy another product or service, or do a charitable act. That is what economic growth means. Saving time Time: that is the key. Forget dollars, cowrie shells or gold. If you have to acquire it for yourself, it usually takes longer than if you get it ready-made by other people. And if you can get it made efficiently by others, then you can afford more of it. As light became cheaper so people used more of it.

The average Briton today consumes roughly 40, times as much artificial light as he did in He consumes fifty times as much power and times as much transport measured in passenger-miles travelled , too. This is what prosperity is: the increase in the amount of goods or services you can earn with the same amount of work.

A half-gallon of milk cost the average American ten minutes of work in , but only seven minutes in A three-minute phone call from New York to Los Angeles cost ninety hours of work at the average wage in ; today it costs less than two minutes. A kilowatt-hour of electricity cost an hour of work in and five minutes today.

Healthcare and education are among the few things that cost more in terms of hours worked now than they did in the s. He is the very epitome of the phrase. This great boon — cheap travel — this community owes mainly to Cornelius Vanderbilt. Rail freight charges fell by 90 per cent between and There is little doubt that Vanderbilt sometime bribed and bullied his way to success, and that he sometimes paid his workers lower wages than others — I am not trying to make him into a saint — but there is also no doubt that along the way he delivered to consumers an enormous benefit that would otherwise have eluded them — affordable transport.

Likewise, Andrew Carnegie, while enormously enriching himself, cut the price of a steel rail by 75 per cent in the same period; John D. Rockefeller cut the price of oil by 80 per cent. During those thirty years, the per capita GDP of Americans rose by 66 per cent. They were enricher-barons, too. Henry Ford got rich by making cars cheap. It took about 4, hours of work to afford a Model T in It takes about 1, hours today to afford an ordinary car — though one that is brimming with features that Model Ts never had.

Microsoft suffered the same allegation later in the century. When Juan Trippe sold cheap tourist-class seats on his Pan Am airline in , the other airlines were so insulted that they petitioned their governments to ban Pan Am: Britain, shamefully, agreed, so Pan Am flew to Ireland instead. Falling consumer prices is what enriches people deflation of asset prices can ruin them, but that is because they are using asset prices to get them the wherewithal to purchase consumer items.

And, once again, notice that the true metric of prosperity is time. If Cornelius Vanderbilt or Henry Ford not only moves you faster to where you want to go, but requires you to work fewer hours to earn the ticket price, then he has enriched you by granting you a dollop of free time. Housing, too, is itching to get cheaper, but for confused reasons governments go to great lengths to prevent it. Where it took sixteen weeks to earn the price of square feet of housing in , now it takes fourteen weeks and the housing is of better quality.

But given the ease with which modern machinery can assemble a house, the price should have come down much faster than that. Governments prevent this by, first, using planning or zoning laws to restrict supply especially in Britain ; second, using the tax system to encourage mortgage borrowing in the United States at least — no longer in Britain ; and third, doing all they can to stop property prices falling after a bubble.

The effect of these measures is to make life harder for those who do not yet have a house and massively reward those who do. To remedy this, governments then have to enforce the building of more affordable housing, or subsidise mortgage lending to the poor. Happiness As necessities and luxuries get cheaper, do people get happier? A small cottage industry grew up at the turn of the twenty-first century devoted to the subject of the economics of happiness. It started with the paradox that richer people are not necessarily happier people.

As books and papers cascaded out of the academy, Schadenfreude set in on a grand scale among commentators happy to see the unhappiness of the rich confirmed. Politicians latched on and governments from Thailand to Britain began to think about how to maximise gross national happiness instead of gross national product.

King Jigme Singye Wangchuck of Bhutan is credited with having been the first to get there in when he declared economic growth a secondary goal to national well-being. If economic growth does not produce happiness, said the new wisdom, then there was no point in striving for prosperity and the world economy should be brought to a soft landing at a reasonable level of income. What is the point of celebrating the continuing defeat of death, dearth, disease and drudgery, if it does not make people happier?

But it is not true. The debate began with a study by Richard Easterlin in , which found that although within a country rich people were generally happier than poor people, richer countries did not have happier citizens than poor countries. Trouble is, it is wrong. Two papers were published in analysing all the data, and the unambiguous conclusion of both is that the Easterlin paradox does not exist. The earlier study simply had samples too small to find significant differences. In all three categories of comparison — within countries, between countries and between times — extra income does indeed buy general well-being.

That is to say, on average, across the board, on the whole, other things being equal, more money does make you happier. There are some exceptions. Americans currently show no trend towards increasing happiness. Is this because the rich had got richer but ordinary Americans had not prospered much in recent years? Or because America continually draws in poor unhappy immigrants, which keeps the happiness quotient low?

Who knows? It was not because the Americans are too rich to get any happier: Japanese and Europeans grew steadily happier as they grew richer despite being often just as rich as Americans. Moreover, surprisingly, American women have become less happy in recent decades despite getting richer. Of course, it is possible to be rich and unhappy, as many a celebrity gloriously reminds us. Of course, it is possible to get rich and find that you are unhappy not to be richer still, if only because the neighbour — or the people on television — are richer than you are.

For this reason a tax on consumption to encourage saving for investment instead is not necessarily a bad idea. However, this does not mean that anybody would be necessarily happier if poorer — to be well off and unhappy is surely better than to be poor and unhappy. Of course, some people will be unhappy however rich they are, while others manage to bounce back cheerful even in poverty: psychologists find people to have fairly constant levels of happiness to which they return after elation or disaster.

Besides, a million years of natural selection shaped human nature to be ambitious to rear successful children, not to settle for contentment: people are programmed to desire, not to appreciate. Getting richer is not the only or even the best way of getting happier. Social and political liberation is far more effective, says the political scientist Ronald Ingleheart: the big gains in happiness come from living in a society that frees you to make choices about your lifestyle — about where to live, who to marry, how to express your sexuality and so on.

It is the increase in free choice since that has been responsible for the increase in happiness recorded since then in forty-five out of fifty-two countries. Happy statistics of recent improvement sound as hollow to a laid-off car worker in Detroit or an evicted house owner in Reykjavik as they would to a cholera victim in Zimbabwe or a genocide refugee in Congo. War, disease, corruption and hate still disfigure the lives of millions; nuclear terrorism, rising sea levels and pandemic flu may yet make the twenty-first century a dreadful place.

True, but assuming the worst will not avert these fates; striving to continue improving the human lot may. It is precisely because so much human betterment has been shown to be possible in recent centuries that the continuing imperfection of the world places a moral duty on humanity to allow economic evolution to continue.

To prevent change, innovation and growth is to stand in the way of potential compassion. Let it never be for gotten that, by propagating excessive caution about genetically modified food aid, some pressure groups may have exacerbated real hunger in Zambia in the early s.

The precautionary principle — better safe than sorry — condemns itself: in a sorry world there is no safety to be found in standing still. More immediately, the financial crash of has caused a deep and painful recession that will generate mass unemployment and real hardship in many parts of the world.

The reality of rising living standards feels to many today to be a trick, a pyramid scheme achieved by borrowing from the future. Until he was rumbled in , Bernard Madoff offered his investors high and steady returns of more than 1 per cent a month on their money for thirty years. Is it possible that not just the recent credit boom, but the entire postwar rise in living standards was a Ponzi scheme, made possible by the gradual expansion of credit?

That we have in effect grown rich by borrowing the means from our children and that a day of reckoning is now at hand? It is certainly true that your mortgage is borrowed via a saver somewhere else, perhaps in China from your future self, who will pay it off. But there is nothing unnatural about this. In fact, it is a very typical human pattern.

By the age of 15 chimpanzees have produced about 40 per cent and consumed about 40 per cent of the calories they will need during their entire lives. By the same age, human hunter-gatherers have consumed about 20 per cent of their lifetime calories, but produced just 4 per cent.

A big reason for this is that hunter-gatherers have always specialised in foods that need extraction and processing — roots that need to be dug and cooked, clams that need to be opened, nuts that need to be cracked, carcasses that need to be butchered — whereas chimpanzees eat things that simply need to be found and gathered, like fruit or termites. Learning to do this extraction and processing takes time, practice and a big brain, but once a human being has learnt, he or she can produce a huge surplus of calories to share with the children.

Intriguingly, this pattern of production over the lifespan in hunter-gatherers is more like the modern Western lifestyle than it is like the farming, feudal or early industrial lifestyles. That is to say, the notion of children taking twenty years even to start to bring in more than they consume, and then having forty years of very high productivity, is common to hunter-gatherers and modern societies, but was less true in the period in between, when children could and did go to work to support their own consumption.

The difference today is that intergenerational transfers take a more collective form — income tax on all productive people in their prime pays for education for all, for example. In that sense, the economy like a chain letter, but unlike a shark, actually must keep moving forward or it collapses. The banking system makes it possible for people to borrow and consume when they are young and to save and lend when they are old, smoothing their family living standards over the decades.

That is growth. If, on the other hand, somebody takes out a loan just to support his luxury lifestyle, or to speculate on asset markets by buying a second home, then posterity will be the loser. That is what, it is now clear, far too many people and businesses did in the s — they borrowed more from posterity than their innovation rate would support.

They misallocated the resources to unproductive ends. Most past bursts of human prosperity have come to naught because they allocated too little money to innovation and too much to asset price inflation or to war, corruption, luxury and theft. Despite their windfalls, such countries experience lower economic growth than countries that entirely lack resources but get busy trading and selling — Holland, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea.

Even the Dutch, those epitomes of seventeenth-century enterprise, fell under the curse of resources in the late twentieth century when they found too much natural gas: the Dutch disease, they called it, as their inflated currency hurt their exporters. In the s the West misspent much of the cheap windfall of Chinese savings that the United States Federal Reserve sluiced our way. So long as somebody allocates sufficient capital to innovation, then the credit crunch will not in the long run prevent the relentless upward march of human living standards.

If you look at a graph of world per capita GDP, the Great Depression of the s is just a dip in the slope. By even the worst-affected countries, America and Germany, were richer than they were in So growth will resume — unless prevented by the wrong policies.

Somebody, somewhere, is still tweaking a piece of software, testing a new material, or transferring a gene that will make your and my life easier in the future. I cannot know who or where he is for sure, but let me give you a candidate. In the week I wrote this paragraph, a small company called Arcadia Biosciences in northern California signed an agreement with a charity working in Africa to license, royalty-free to smallholders, new varieties of rice that can be grown with less nitrogen fertiliser for the same yield, thanks to the over-expression in the roots of a version of a gene called alanine aminotransferase borrowed from barley.

Assuming the varieties work in Africa as well as they do in California, some African will one day grow and sell more food for less pollution , which in turn means that he will have more money to spend, earning the cost of, say, a mobile phone, which he will buy from a Western company, and which will help him find a better market for his rice.

And so on. As long as new ideas can breed in this way, then human economic progress can continue. It may be only a year or two till world growth resumes after the current crisis, or it may for some countries be a lost decade. It may even be that parts of the world will be convulsed by a descent into autarky, authoritarianism and violence, as happened in the s, and that a depression will cause a great war.

The declaration of interdependence Imagine you are a deer. You have essentially only four things to do during the day: sleep, eat, avoid being eaten and socialise by which I mean mark a territory, pursue a member of the opposite sex, nurse a fawn, whatever. There is no real need to do much else. Now imagine you are a human being. Deer should therefore have more free time than human beings, yet it is people, not deer, who find the time to read, write, invent, sing and surf the net.

Where does all this free time come from? It comes from exchange and specialisation and from the resulting division of labour. A deer must gather its own food. A human being gets somebody else to do it for him, while he or she is doing something for them — and both win time that way.

Self-sufficiency is therefore not the route to prosperity. Imagine if you had to be completely self- sufficient not just pretending, like Thoreau. Every day you must get up in the morning and supply yourself entirely from your own resources. How would you spend your day? The top four priorities would be food, fuel, clothing and shelter. Dig the garden, feed the pig, fetch water from the brook, gather wood from the forest, wash some potatoes, light a fire no matches , cook lunch, repair the roof, fetch fresh bracken for clean bedding, whittle a needle, spin some thread, sew leather for shoes, wash in the stream, fashion a pot out of clay, catch and cook a chicken for dinner.

No candle or book for reading. No time for smelting metal, drilling oil, or travel. If you wish to have even the most minimal improvement in your life — say metal tools, toothpaste or lighting — you are going to have to get some of your chores done by somebody else, because there just is not time to do them yourself.

That was indeed how people got rich for thousands of years. Yet, though you have no slaves, today when you got out of bed you knew that somebody would provide you with food, fibre and fuel in a most convenient form. If you are on an average wage you knew that it would take you a matter of tens of minutes to earn the cash to pay for your food, some more tens of minutes to earn the cash to buy whatever new clothing you need and maybe an hour or two to earn the cash to pay for the gas, electricity and oil you might need today.

Earning the rent or mortgage payment that ensures you have a roof over your head might take rather more time. But still, by lunchtime, you could relax in the knowledge that food, fuel, fibre and shelter were taken care of for the day. So it was time to earn something more interesting: the satellite television subscription, the mobile phone bill, the holiday deposit, the cost of new toys for the children, the income tax.

He needed only a few raw materials: iron, copper, nickel, plastic and mica an insulating mineral around which the heating elements are wrapped. But even to get these he found almost impossible. Iron is made from iron ore, which he could probably mine, but how was he to build a sufficiently hot furnace without electric bellows? He cheated and used a microwave oven.

Plastic is made from oil, which he could not easily drill for himself, let alone refine. More to the point, the project took months, cost a lot of money and resulted in an inferior product. To Thwaites this illustrated his helplessness as a consumer so divorced from self-sufficiency. It also illustrates the magic of specialisation and exchange: thousands of people, none of them motivated by the desire to do Thwaites a favour, have come together to make it possible for him to acquire a toaster for a trivial sum of money.

It took twenty artisans a total of manhours to achieve it and even then they had to get 8 per cent of the materials from outside the mile radius. If they worked for another year, they could get it all from within the limit, argued Cobb. To put it plainly, local sourcing multiplied the cost of a cheap suit roughly a hundred-fold. In the two hours since I got out of bed I have showered in water heated by North Sea gas, shaved using an American razor running on electricity made from British coal, eaten a slice of bread made from French wheat, spread with New Zealand butter and Spanish marmalade, then brewed a cup of tea using leaves grown in Sri Lanka, dressed myself in clothes of Indian cotton and Australian wool, with shoes of Chinese leather and Malaysian rubber, and read a newspaper made from Finnish wood pulp and Chinese ink.

I am now sitting at a desk typing on a Thai plastic keyboard which perhaps began life in an Arab oil well in order to move electrons through a Korean silicon chip and some wires of Chilean copper to display text on a computer designed and manufactured by an American firm. I have consumed goods and services from dozens of countries already this morning. Actually, I am guessing at the nationalities of some of these items, because it is almost impossible to define some of them as coming from any country, so diverse are their sources.

More to the point, I have also consumed minuscule fractions of the productive labour of many dozens of people. Somebody had to drill the gas well, install the plumbing, design the razor, grow the cotton, write the software. They were all, though they did not know it, working for me.

In exchange for some fraction of my spending, each supplied me with some fraction of their work. The Sun King had dinner each night alone. He chose from forty dishes, served on gold and silver plate.

It took a staggering people to prepare each meal. He was rich because other people did things for him. At that time, the average French family would have prepared and consumed its own meals as well as paid tax to support his servants in the palace. So it is not hard to conclude that Louis XIV was rich because others were poor.

But what about today? Consider that you are an average person, say a woman of 35, living in, for the sake of argument, Paris and earning the median wage, with a working husband and two children. You are far from poor, but in relative terms, you are immeasurably poorer than Louis was. And yet consider this. The cornucopia that greets you as you enter the supermarket dwarfs anything that Louis XIV ever experienced and it is probably less likely to contain salmonella.

You can buy a fresh, frozen, tinned, smoked or pre-prepared meal made with beef, chicken, pork, lamb, fish, prawns, scallops, eggs, potatoes, beans, carrots, cabbage, aubergine, kumquats, celeriac, okra, seven kinds of lettuce, cooked in olive, walnut, sunflower or peanut oil and flavoured with cilantro, turmeric, basil or rosemary Think of this: never before this generation has the average person been able to afford to have somebody else prepare his meals.

You employ no tailor, but you can browse the internet and instantly order from an almost infinite range of excellent, affordable clothes of cotton, silk, linen, wool and nylon made up for you in factories all over Asia. You have no carriage, but you can buy a ticket which will summon the services of a skilled pilot of a budget airline to fly you to one of hundreds of destinations that Louis never dreamed of seeing.

You have no woodcutters to bring you logs for the fire, but the operators of gas rigs in Russia are clamouring to bring you clean central heating. You have no wick- trimming footman, but your light switch gives you the instant and brilliant produce of hardworking people at a grid of distant nuclear power stations. You have no runner to send messages, but even now a repairman is climbing a mobile-phone mast somewhere in the world to make sure it is working properly just in case you need to call that cell.

You have no private apothecary, but your local pharmacy supplies you with the handiwork of many thousands of chemists, engineers and logistics experts. My point is that you have far, far more than servants at your immediate beck and call. The multiplication of labour You are not just consuming the labour and resources of others. A thousand entrepreneurs and scientists devised the intricate dance of photons and electrons by which your television works.

The cotton you wear was spun and woven by machines of a type whose original inventors are long- dead heroes of the industrial revolution. The bread you eat was first cross-bred by a Neolithic Mesopotamian and baked in a way that was first invented by a Mesolithic hunter-gatherer. Their knowledge is enduringly embodied in machines, recipes and programmes from which you benefit.

For you get the benefit of their labours, too, whether they are dead or alive. It is a curious fact that in return for this cornucopia of service, you produce only one thing. That is to say, having consumed the labour and embodied discoveries of thousands of people, you then produce and sell whatever it is you do at work — haircuts, ball bearings, insurance advice, nursing, dog walking.

Each produces one thing. But they each consume hundreds, thousands, of things. Make one thing, use lots. The self-sufficient gardener, or his self- sufficient peasant or hunter-gatherer predecessor who is, I shall argue, partly a myth in any case , is in contrast defined by his multiple production and simple consumption. He makes not just one thing, but many — his food, his shelter, his clothing, his entertainment.

Because he only consumes what he produces, he cannot consume very much. Not for him the avocado, Tarantino or Manolo Blahnik. He is his own brand. In the year , if you were the average consumer you would have spent your after-tax income in roughly the following way: 20 per cent on a roof over your head 18 per cent on cars, planes, fuel and all other forms of transport 16 per cent on household stuff: chairs, refrigerators, telephones, electricity, water 14 per cent on food, drink, restaurants etc 6 per cent on health care 5 per cent on movies, music and all entertainment 4 per cent on clothing of all kinds 2 per cent on education 1 per cent on soap, lipstick, haircuts, and such like 11 per cent on life insurance and pensions i.

I am not trying to make you feel guilty: I am trying to tease out what it is that makes you well off. It is having the hard work of living made easy by markets and machines and other people. There is probably nothing to stop you fetching free water from the nearest river in your home town, but you would rather pay something from your earnings to get it delivered clean and convenient from your tap.

So this is what poverty means. You are poor to the extent that you cannot afford to sell your time for sufficient price to buy the services you need, and rich to the extent that you can afford to buy not just the services you need but also those you crave.

Prosperity, or growth, has been synonymous with moving from self-sufficiency to interdependence, transforming the family from a unit of laborious, slow and diverse production to a unit of easy, fast and diverse consumption paid for by a burst of specialised production. The longer food has spent travelling to your plate, the more oil has been burnt and the more peace has been shattered along the way.

But why single out food? Should we not protest against T- shirt miles, too, and laptop miles? After all, fruit and vegetables account for more than 20 per cent of all exports from poor countries, whereas most laptops come from rich countries, so singling out food imports for special discrimination means singling out poor countries for sanctions. Getting food from the farmer to the shop causes just 4 per cent of all its lifetime emissions.

Ten times as much carbon is emitted in refrigerating British food as in air-freighting it from abroad, and fifty times as much is emitted by the customer travelling to the shops. In truth, far from being unsustainable, the interdependence of the world through trade is the very thing that makes modern life as sustainable as it is.

Suppose your local laptop manufacturer tells you that he already has three orders and then he is off on his holiday so he cannot make you one before the winter. You will have to wait. You will have to go hungry. Instead, you benefit from a global laptop and wheat market in which somebody somewhere has something to sell you so there are rarely shortages, only modest price fluctuations. For example, the price of wheat approximately trebled in —8, just as it did in Europe in — At the earlier date, Europe was less densely populated, farming was entirely organic and food miles were short.

Yet in , nobody ate a baby or pulled a corpse from a gibbet for food. Right up until the railways came, it was cheaper for people to turn into refugees than to pay the exorbitant costs of importing food into a hungry district. Interdependence spreads risk. The decline in agricultural employment caused consternation among early economists. Two centuries later the decline in industrial employment in the late twentieth century caused a similar consternation among economists, who saw services as a frivolous distraction from the important business of manufacturing.

They were just as wrong. There is no such thing as unproductive employment, so long as people are prepared to buy the service you are offering. Today, 1 per cent works in agriculture and 24 per cent in industry, leaving 75 per cent to offer movies, restaurant meals, insurance broking and aromatherapy. Arcadia redux Yet, surely, long ago, before trade, technology and farming, human beings lived simple, organic lives in harmony with nature.

Take a snapshot of the life of hunter-gathering human beings in their heyday, say at 15, years ago well after the taming of the dog and the extermination of the woolly rhinoceros but just before the colonisation of the Americas. People had spear throwers, bows and arrows, boats, needles, adzes, nets. They painted exquisite art on rocks, decorated their bodies, traded foods, shells, raw materials and ideas. They sang songs, danced rituals, told stories, prepared herbal remedies for illnesses.

They lived into old age far more frequently than their ancestors had done. They had a way of life that was sufficiently adaptable to work in almost any habitat or climate. Where every other species needed its niche, the hunter-gatherer could make a niche out of anything: seaside or desert, arctic or tropical, forest or steppe.

A Rousseauesque idyll? The hunter-gatherers certainly looked like noble savages: tall, fit, healthy, and having replaced stabbing spears with thrown ones with fewer broken bones than Neanderthals. They ate plenty of protein, not much fat and ample vitamins. In Europe, with the help of increasing cold, they had largely wiped out the lions and hyenas that had both competed with and preyed upon their predecessors, so they had little to fear from wild animals.

Or was it? There was a serpent in the hunter-gatherer Eden — a savage in the noble savage. Maybe it was not a lifelong camping holiday after all. For violence was a chronic and ever-present threat. It had to be, because — in the absence of serious carnivore predation upon human beings — war kept the population density below the levels that brought on starvation. Here is the data. From the! Kung in the Kalahari to the Inuit in the Arctic, two-thirds of modern hunter-gatherers have proved to be in a state of almost constant tribal warfare, and 87 per cent to experience annual war.

War is a big word for dawn raids, skirmishes and lots of posturing, but because these happen so often, death rates are high — usually around 30 per cent of adult males dying from homicide. The warfare death rate of 0. At a cemetery uncovered at Jebel Sahaba, in Egypt, dating from 14, years ago, twenty-four of the fifty-nine bodies had died from unhealed wounds caused by spears, darts and arrows. Forty of these bodies were women or children.

Women and children generally do not take part in warfare — but they are frequently the object of the fighting. To be abducted as a sexual prize and see your children killed was almost certainly not a rare female fate in hunter- gatherer society. It was not just warfare that limited population growth. Hunter-gatherers are often vulnerable to famines. Even when food is abundant, it might take so much travelling and trouble to collect enough food that women would not maintain a sufficient surplus to keep themselves fully fertile for more than a few prime years.

Infanticide was a common resort in bad times. Nor was disease ever far away: gangrene, tetanus and many kinds of parasite would have been big killers. Did I mention slavery? Common in the Pacific north-west. Wife beating? Routine in Tierra del Fuego. When you meet one of those people who go so far as to say they would rather have lived in some supposedly more delightful past age, just remind them of the toilet facilities of the Pleistocene, the transport options of Roman emperors or the lice of Versailles.

The call of the new None the less, you do not have to be starry-eyed about the Stone Age to find aspects of modern consumer society obscenely wasteful. Because, he answers, human beings evolved to strive to signal social status and sexual worth.

What this implies is that far from being merely materialist, human consumption is already driven by a sort of pseudo-spiritualism that seeks love, heroism and admiration. Yet this thirst for status then encourages people to devise recipes that rearrange the atoms, electrons or photons of the world in such a way as to make useful combinations for other people. Ambition is transmuted into opportunity. It was allegedly a young Chinese imperial concubine in BC who thought up the following recipe for rearranging beta pleated sheets of glycine-rich polypeptides into fine fabrics: take a moth caterpillar, feed it mulberry leaves for a month, let it spin a cocoon, heat it to kill it, put the cocoon in water to unstick the silk threads, carefully draw out the single kilometre-long thread from which the cocoon is made by reeling it on to a wheel, spin the thread and weave a fabric.

Then dye, cut and sew, advertise and sell for cash. Rough guide on quantities: it takes about ten pounds of mulberry leaves to make silkworm cocoons to make one necktie. The cumulative accretion of knowledge by specialists that allows us each to consume more and more different things by each producing fewer and fewer is, I submit, the central story of humanity. Innovation changes the world but only because it aids the elaboration of the division of labour and encourages the division of time.

Forget wars, religions, famines and poems for the moment. The rational optimist invites you to stand back and look at your species differently, to see the grand enterprise of humanity that has progressed — with frequent setbacks — for , years. And then, when you have seen that, consider whether that enterprise is finished or if, as the optimist claims, it still has centuries and millennia to run. If, in fact, it might be about to accelerate to an unprecedented rate.

If prosperity is exchange and specialisation — more like the multiplication of labour than the division of labour — then when and how did that habit begin? Why is it such a peculiar attribute of the human species? Chapter Two The collective brain: exchange and specialisation after , years ago He steps under the shower, a forceful cascade pumped down from the third floor.

When this civilisation falls, when the Romans, whoever they are this time round, have finally left and the new dark ages begin, this will be one of the first luxuries to go. The old folk crouching by their peat fires will tell their disbelieving grandchildren of standing naked mid-winter under jet streams of hot clean water, of lozenges of scented soaps and of viscous amber and vermilion liquids they rubbed into their hair to make it glossy and more voluminous than it really was, and of thick white towels as big as togas, waiting on warming racks.

Each took up a block of flint and began to fashion it into a hand axe, skilfully using hammers of stone, bone or antler to chip off flakes until all that remained was a symmetrical, sharp-edged, teardrop-shaped object in size and thickness somewhere between an iPhone and a computer mouse. The debris they left that day is still there, leaving eerie shadows of their own legs as they sat and worked. You can tell that they were right-handed.

Notice: each person made his own tools. They are thin, symmetrical and razor-sharp along the edge, ideal for slicing through thick hide, severing the ligaments of joints and scraping meat from bones. The Acheulean biface is the stereotype of the Stone Age tool, the iconic flattened teardrop of the Palaeolithic.

Because the species that made it has long been extinct we may never quite know how it was used. But one thing we do know. The creatures that made this thing were very content with it. By the time of the Boxgrove horse butchers, their ancestors had been making it to roughly the same design — hand-sized, sharp, double-sided, rounded — for about a million years. Their descendants would continue to make it for hundreds of thousands more years. Not only that; they made roughly the same tools in south and north Africa and everywhere in between.

They took the design with them to the Near East and to the far north-west of Europe though not to East Asia and still it did not change. A million years across three continents making the same one tool. During those million years their brains grew in size by about one-third. The bodies and brains of the creatures that made Acheulean hand axes changed faster than their tools.

To us, this is an absurd state of affairs. How could people have been so unimaginative, so slavish, as to make the same technology for so long? How could there have been so little innovation, regional variation, progress, or even regress? Actually, this is not quite true, but the detailed truth reinforces the problem rather than resolves it. There is a single twitch of progress in biface hand-axe history: around , years ago, the design suddenly becomes a little more symmetrical.

This coincides with the appearance of a new species of hominid which replaces its ancestor throughout Eurasia and Africa. Called Homo heidelbergensis, this creature has a much bigger brain, possibly 25 per cent bigger than late Homo erectus.

Yet not only did it go on making hand axes and very little else; the hand-axe design sank back into stagnation for another half a million years. We are used to thinking that technology and innovation go together, yet here is strong evidence that when human beings became tool makers, they did not experience anything remotely resembling cultural progress. They just did what they did very well. They did not change. Bizarre as this may sound, in evolutionary terms it is quite normal. Most species do not change their habits during their few million years on earth or alter their lifestyle much in different parts of their range.

Natural selection is a conservative force. It spends more of its time keeping species the same than changing them. Only towards the edge of its range, on an isolated island, or in a remote valley or on a lonely hill top, does natural selection occasionally cause part of a species to morph into something different.

That different sport sometimes then spreads to conquer a broader ecological empire, perhaps even returning to replace the ancestral species — to topple the dynasty from which it sprang. But there is little progressive alteration of the organism. Evolutionary change happens largely by the replacement of species by daughter species, not by the changing of habits in species.

What is surprising about the human story is not the mind-bogglingly tedious stasis of the Acheulean hand axe, but that the stasis came to an end. The Boxgrove hominids of , years ago who were members of Homo heidelbergensis had their ecological niche. They had a way of getting food and shelter in their preferred habitat, of seducing mates and rearing babies.

They walked on two feet, had huge brains, made spears and hand axes, taught each other traditions, perhaps spoke or signalled to each other grammatically, almost certainly lit fires and cooked their food, and undoubtedly killed big animals. If the sun shone, the herds of game were plentiful, the spears were sharp and diseases kept at bay, they may have sometimes thrived and populated new land.

At other times, when food was scarce, the local population just died out. They could not change their ways much; it was not in their natures. Once they had spread all across Africa and Eurasia, their populations never really grew. On average death rates matched birth rates. Starvation, hyenas, exposure, fights and accidents claimed most of their lives before they were elderly enough to get chronically ill. Crucially, they did not expand or shift their niche.

They remained trapped within it. For Palaeolithic hominids, hand-axe making was like walking, something you grew good at through practice and never thought about again. It was almost a bodily function. It was no doubt passed on partly by imitation and learning, but unlike modern cultural traditions it showed little regional and local variation. It was instinct, as inherent to the human behavioural repertoire as a certain design of nest is to a certain species of bird.

A song thrush lines its nest with mud, a European robin lines its nest with hair and a chaffinch lines its nest with feathers — they always have and they always will. Indeed, the analogy with a bodily function is quite appropriate. There is now little doubt that hominids spent much of those million and a half years eating a lot of fresh meat. Some time after two million years ago, ape-men had become more carnivorous.

With their feeble teeth and with finger nails where they should have had claws, they needed sharp tools to cut the skins of their kills. Because of their sharp tools they could tackle even the pachydermatous rhinos and elephants. Biface axes were like external canine teeth. The rich meat diet also enabled erectus hominids to grow a larger brain, an organ that burns energy at nine times the rate of the rest of the body.

Meat enabled them to cut down on the huge gut that their ancestors had found necessary to digest raw vegetation and raw meat, and thus to grow a bigger brain instead. Fire and cooking in turn then released the brain to grow bigger still by making food more digestible with an even smaller gut — once cooked, starch gelatinises and protein denatures, releasing far more calories for less input of energy. As a result, whereas other primates have guts weighing four times their brains, the human brain weighs more than the human intestine.

Cooking enabled hominids to trade gut size for brain size. Erectus hominids, in other words, had almost everything we might call human: two legs, two hands, a big brain, opposable thumbs, fire, cooking, tools, technology, cooperation, long childhoods, kindly demeanour. And yet there was no sign of cultural take-off, little progress in technology, little expansion of range or niche.

Homo dynamicus Then there appeared upon the earth a new kind of hominid, which refused to play by the rules. Without any changes in its body, and without any succession of species, it just kept changing its habits. For the first time its technology changed faster than its anatomy.

This was an evolutionary novelty, and you are it. When this new animal appeared is hard to discern, and its entrance was low-key. Some anthropologists argue that in east Africa and Ethiopia the toolkit was showing signs of change as early as , years ago. They were also using red ochre, perhaps for decoration, implying thoroughly modern symbolic minds.

This was during the ice age before last, when Africa was mostly a desert. And yet apparently nothing much came of this experiment.

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